پاورقی‌های بخش دوم از فصل سوم ديدگاه‌های فلسفی عربِ معاصر درباره‌ی سکولاريسم

70 Anderson summarizes Western expansion into the Third World in the following manner, “The Portuguese and Spaniards arrived in the late feudal sixteenth century, the Dutch in the mercantilist seventeenth, the British in the Enlightened eighteenth, the French in the industrial nineteenth, and the Americans in the motorized twentieth.” Benedict Anderson, The Spectre of Comparisons: Nationalism, South East Asia and the World (London: Verso, 1998), 5. 71 Any cursory reading of the life of eminent British traveler Richard Burton in the nineteenth century will reveal his insatiable search for new resources and riches for the British Empire. See the following: Mary S. Lovell, A Rage to Live: A Biography of Richard and Isabelle Burton (London: Abacus, 1998), and Edward Rice, Captain Sir Richard Francis Burton (New York: Harper Perennial, 1990).

72 “The Renaissance is not only the moment of the break with tributary ideology. It is also the point of departure for the conquest of the world by capitalist Europe.” Amin, Eurocentrism, 72.

73 Berger, The Reality of Religion, and H. Gerth and C. W. Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1948).

74 Amin, Eurocentrism, 85.

75 In an interesting analysis on the state of education in British India, Viswanathan argues that the British exhibited two different attitudes toward the education of the natives in India, secular and missionary. Both fought to control the Indian soul. She says that in their struggle to spread the Bible in India, “The missionaries got...support from an unexpected quarter. The military offices who testified in the parlimentary sessions on Indian education joined hands with them in arguing that a secular education in English would increase the Indians’ capacity for evil because it would

elevate their intellects without providing the moral principles to keep them in check.” Gauri Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 75. For similar arguments, see Benita Parry, Delusions and Discoveries: India in British Imagination, 1880–1930 (London: Verso, 1998).

76 Madan, “Secularism in its Place,” 308.

77 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978).

78 Peter Gran, Islamic Roots of Capitalism (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979).

79 Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance. Pannikar makes a distinction between two broad phases of European hegemony in Asia. In the early phase, the main objective of Europeans had been to “get round the overwhelming land power of Islam in the Middle East, supplemented by an urge to break through the ‘prison of the Mediterranean’ to which European energies were confined. By the nineteenth century, Europe, with its social, economic and political structure, reorganized by the tremendous industrial and revolutionary upheavals of the end of the eighteenth century, represented indeed a civilization on the march. It challenged the basis of Asian societies; it imposed its will on them and brought about social and political changes in Asia which are of fundamental importance.” Ibid., 17.

80 Samir Amin, Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of Peripheral Capitalism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1976), 47.

81 ‘Abd al-Wahab al-Masiri, “al-Ru’yah al-ma‘rifiyyah al-imberialiyyah.” Qira’at Siyasiyyah, volume 2(4), 1992, 137–59, and “The Imperialist Epistemological Vision.” American Journal of the Islamic Social Sciences, volume 11(3), Fall 1994, 403–15.

82 For a thorough analysis of this, consult Ghali Shukri, al-Nahhah wa’l suqut fi’l fikr al-misri al-hadith (Beirut: Dar al-Tali‘ah, 1982). See also Tamara Sonn, “Secularism and National Stability in Islam.” Arab Studies Quarterly, volume 9(3), Summer 1987, 284–305. Sonn persuasively argues that the early Muslim modernizers of the nineteenth century utilized central legal Islamic concepts, such as “maslahah,” in order to achieve reform. Ibid., 287.

83 See Ibrahim Abu-Rabi‘, “The Concept of the ‘Other’ in Modern Arab Thought: From Muhammad ‘Abduh to Abdallah Laroui.” Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, volume 8(1), 1977, 85–97.

84 See the discussion of ‘Abd al-Raziq’s ideas in Chapter 8 of this work.

85 See Muhammad J. al-Ansari, Tahawwulat al-fikr wa’l siyasah fi’l sharq al-‘arabi: 1930–1970 (Kuwait: ‘Alam al-Ma‘rifah, 1980), 81–107.

86 Nandy, ibid., 334.

87 Rahman defines secularism as follows: “Secularism in Islam, properly speaking, is the acceptance of laws and other social and political institutions without reference to Islam, i.e., without their being derived from, or originally linked with, the principles of the Qur‘an and the Sunna.” Rahman, “Islamic Modernism,” 331.

88 ‘Aziz al-‘Azmeh, al-‘Ilmaniyyah min mandhur mukhtalif (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al‘Arabiyyah, 1992), 10.

89 See S¸erif Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought: A Study in the Modernization of Turkish Political Ideas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), and Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964).

90 Ahmad ‘Izzat ‘Abd al-Karim, Tarikh al-ta‘lim fi misr min nihayat hukm Muhammad ‘Ali ila awa’il hukm Tawfiq, 1848–82 (Cairo: Wazarat al-Ma‘arif al-Hukumiyyah, 1945).

91 Ali Merad, Le réformisme musulman en Algérie de 1925 à 1940: essai d’histoire religieuse et sociale (Paris: Mouton, 1967); Arnold Green, The Tunisian Ulama, 1873–1915: Social Structure and Response to Ideological Currents (Leiden: Brill, 1978).

92 The same happened in India in the nineteenth century. Partha Chatterjee argues that, “As the institutions of the modern state were elaborated in the colony, especially in the second half of the nineteenth century, the ruling European groups found it necessary to lay down – in law-making, in the bureaucracy, in the administration of justice, and in the recognition by the state of a legitimate domain of public opinion – the precise difference between the ruler and the ruled.” Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories, in The Partha Chatterjee Omnibus, 10.

93 See Albert Hourani, “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables,” in Albert Hourani, Philip S. Khoury, and Mary C. Wilson, eds., The Modern Middle East: A Reader (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 83–110.

94 ‘Azmeh, “al-‘Ilmaniyyah min mandhur mukhtalif,” 194.

95 Ibid., 268.

96 See Mohammed Arkoun, “The Adequacy of Contemporary Islam to the Political, Social, and Economic Development of Northern Africa.” Arab Studies Quarterly, volume 5(1 and 2), Spring 1982, 34–53.

97 See Costantine Zurayk, al-Mu’lafat al-kamilah li’l doktor Costantine Zurayk, 4 volumes (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1995).

98 See Adonis, “Reflections on the Manifestations of Intellectual Backwardness in Arab Society.” In CEMAM Reports (Beirut: St. Joseph’s University Press, 1974), and al-Thabit wa’l mutahawwil, 3 volumes (Beirut: Dar al-‘Awdah, 1983).

99 See mainly Ghali Shukri, al-Nahdah wa’l suqut fi’l fikr al-misri al-hadith (Beirut: Dar al-Tali‘ah, 1982), and Mudhakarat thaqafah tahtadir (Cairo: al-Hay’ah al-Misriyyah al-‘Ammah, 1995).

100 Abdallah Laroui, L’idéologie arabe contemporaine (Paris: Maspero, 1970), and The Crisis of the Arab Intelligentsia: Traditionalism or Historicism? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976).

101 Al-‘Afif al-Akhdar, “Min naqd al-sama’ ila naqd al-ard,” in F. Lenin, Nusus hawla al-mawqif mina al-din, trans Muhammad al-Kabbe (Beirut: Dar al-Tali‘ah, 1972).

102 Sadiq Jalal al-‘Azm, Naqd al-fikr al-dini (Beirut: Dar al-Tali‘ah, 1969); al-Naqd al-dhati ba‘da al-hazimah (Beirut: Dar al-Tali‘ah, 1969), and “Sur l’islam, la laïcité et l’Occident,” 16–17.

103 Tayyib Tizini, “Nahwa ‘ilmaniyyah takun madkhalan li mashru’ ‘arabi nahdawi jadid.” Al-Tariq, volume 55(6), 1996, 4–6.

104 Halim Barakat, The Arab World: Society, Culture, and Change (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

105 Zaki Najib Mahmud, Tajdid al-fikr al-‘arabi (Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq, 1978).

106 Jabir ‘Asfur, Hawamish ‘ala daftar al-tanwir (Cairo: Dar Su‘ad al-Sabah, 1994). ‘Asfur argues, along the famous lines of Hisham Sharabi, that patriarchal thought and structure permeate contemporary Arab societies. Neo-patriarchy in Arab society has marshalled both physical and mental powers to safeguard its interests. The result has been a new type of irrationalism, which is supported by unlimited amounts of funds and the official mass media. See ibid., 13.

107 Zakariyya, “al-‘Ilmaniyyah darurah hadariyyah.”

108 Quoted by Ghali Shukri in Diktatoriyat al-takhalluf al-‘arabi (Cairo: al-Hay’ah al-Misriyyah al-‘Ammah li’l Kitab, 1994), 43.

109 See the moving account of the recent civil war in Algeria in Nuri al-Jarrah, al-firdaws al-dami: wahid wa thalathin yawman fi’l jaza’ir [The Bleeding Paradise: 31 Days in Algeria] (London: Riad El-Rayyes Books, 2000).

110 François Burgat, ed., L’Islamisme au Maghreb: La Voix du sud (Paris: Karthala, 1988).

111 See the writings of al-‘Azm, Adonis, Abdallah Laroui, and al-Hafiz.

112 See Ghali Shukri, “Misr: firdaws khayru al-umam.” Qadayah Fikriyyah, volumes 13–14, 199 and Yusra Mustafa, “Azmat al-muthaqaf al-‘aqlani,” in Mahmud Amin al-‘Alim, Qadayah Fikriyyah, al-Fikr al-‘Arabi ‘ala masharif al-qarn al-wahid wa’l ‘ishrun (Cairo: Dar Qadayah Fikriyyah, 1995), 219–28. 113. See Tariq al-Bishri, al-Hiwar al-islami al-‘ilmani (Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq, 1996).

114 Muhammad ‘Imarah, al-Dawlah al-islamiyyah bayna al-‘ilmaniyyah wa’l sultah al-madaniyyah (Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq, 1988).

115 In his preface to his major book on public freedoms in Islam, al-Ghannushi says, “I present this book to the city Damascus that witnessed my second birth with the help of the unknown soldier, the pharmacist Muhammad Amin al-Mujtahid.” Rashid al-Ghannushi, al-Huriyyat al-‘ammah fi’l dawlah al-islamiyyah (Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1993), 5.

116 See Munir Shafiq, Fi al-hadathah wa’l khitab al-hadathii (Casablanca: al-Markaz al-Thaqafi al-‘Arabi, 1999).

117 al-Ghannushi, al-Huriyyat al-‘ammah, 310.

118 See Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi‘, Intellectual Origins of Islamic Resurgence in the Modern Arab World (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996).

119 Zakariyya, “al-‘Ilmaniyyah darurah hadariyyah.”

120 Shukri, Diktatoriat al-takhalluf, 114.

121 See Nazih Ayubi, Political Islam (London: Routledge, 1994).

122 Fahmi Huwaydi, al-Maqalat al-mahdhurah (Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq, 1998), 17.

123 According to Edward Said, Islamist discourse has a mass following in the Arab world, “Countries like Egypt and Tunisia, which have long been ruled since independence by secular nationalist parties that have now degenerated into coteries and cliques, are suddenly rent by Islamic groups whose mandate, they say with considerable justice, is granted them by the oppressed, the urban poor, the landless peasants of the countryside, all those with no hope except a restored or reconstructed Islamic past. Many people are willing to fight to the death for these ideas.” Edward Said, Representations of the Intellectual (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 39.

124 Muhammad ‘Abid al-Jabiri, “al-Mujtama‘ al-madani: tasa’ulat wa afaq,” in Abdallah Hammudi, Wa‘y al-mujtama‘ bi dhatihi: ‘an al-mujtama‘ al-madani fi’l maghrib al-‘arabi (Casablanca: Dar Tobqal, 1998), 43.

125 ‘Ali al-Kenz, “al-Islam wa’l hawiyyah: mulahadhat li’l bahth,” in Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, al-Din fi’l mujtama‘ al-‘arabi (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1990), 105.

126 See Ramzi Zaki, Wada‘an li’l tabaqah al-mutawasitah (Cairo: Dar al-Mustaqbal al-‘Arabi, 1998).

127 Harold J. Laski, Liberty in the Modern State (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1938), 49. Laski further notes that, “Liberty always demands a limitation of political authority, and it is never attained unless the rulers of the state can, where necessary, be called to account.” Ibid., 50.

128 See L. Carl Brown, Tunisia: The Politics of Modernization (New York: Praeger, 1964).

129 ‘Abd al-Hamid al-Ibrahimi, al-Maghreb al-‘arabi fi muftaraq al-turuq fi dhil al-tahawwulat al-duwaliyyah (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1996), 112–13.

130 Abdelwahab Bouhdiba, “Place et fonction de l’imaginaire dans la société arabo-musulmane.” In Culture et société (Tunis: Université de Tunis, 1978), 45, and Munassif Wannas, “al-Din wa’l dawla fi Tunis: 1956–1987,” in Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, al-Din fi’l mujtama‘ al-‘arabi (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1990), 475.

131 On Bourguiba, see al-Safi Sa‘id, Bourquiba: sira shibh muharammah (London: Riad El-Rayyes Books, 2000), and S. Bessis and S. Belhassen, Bourguiba: un si long regne, 1975–1987 (Paris: Jeune Afrique Livre, 1988).

132 Ibrahimi, al-Maghreb al-‘Arabi, 461. See also Abdelhamid Brahimi, Stratégie de développement pour l’Algérie (Paris: Economica, 1991).

133 A. Zghal, “Le retour de sacré et la nouvelle demande idéologique de jeunes scolarises: Le cas de la Tunisie.” Le Maghreb Musulman, 1979.

134 Abdelkader Zghal, “al-Istratijiyya al-jadidah li harakat al-itijah al-islami:munawara an al-ta‘bir ‘an al-thaqafah al-siyasiyyah al-tunisiyyah,” in Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, al-Din fi’l mujtama‘ al-‘arabi (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1990), 341.

135 Ali El-Kenz, Algerian Reflections on Arab Crises, trans Robert W. Stooky (Texas: University of Texas Press, 1991), 26.

136 Faraj Fuda, al-Nadhir (Cairo: al-Hay’ah al-Misriyyah, 1992), 28.

137 Burhan Ghalyun, “al-Islam wa azmat al-‘alaqat al-ijtima‘iyyah,” in Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, al-Din fi’l mujtama‘ al-‘Arabi (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyyah, 1990), 310.

138 See al-‘Azm, Naqd al-fikr al-dini.

139 Samir Amin, “Etat, nation, éthique et minorité dans la crise.” Bulletin du forum du tiers-monde, no. 6, April 1986, and Ghalyun, “al-Islam wa azmat,” 311.

140 Ayubi, Political Islam,5.

141 Al-‘Azm, “Sur l’islam,” 16.